Thirteenth Amendment Minus?

Thirteenth Amendment Minus?

Thursday, 18 August 2011 00:00

“The existing constitution is more than enough for us to live together. I don’t think there is any issue on this more than that. “I mean this was given as a solution for the whole thing with the discussion of these people. I mean now the LTTE is gone, I don’t think there is any requirement.

“I mean what can you do more than this? … Devolution wise I think we have done enough, I don’t think there is a necessity to go beyond that.”

Thus spake the Defence Secretary to the Indian media organ Headlines Today. The significance of these remarks lies in the utterance by an important man in the country on the most important issue facing the country, if it is to move from a post-war to a post – conflict situation.

The propriety of his pronouncements notwithstanding, Mr Rajapaksa has provided a candid and authoritative insight into the mindset of the regime. He has confirmed what some of us have always suspected and in this respect, his pronouncements serve as a catalyst for honest appraisal of the prospects for a post conflict Sri Lanka. Explicit reiteration of his opposition to the devolution of land and police powers to the provinces, would have settled the matter beyond doubt and dispute. However when he says, “I mean what can you do more than this? Devolution wise we have done enough, I don’t think there is a necessity for us to go beyond that”, he is defending the prevailing status quo – Thirteenth Amendment Minus. Is there any reason to assume that the parliamentary select committee will not come to the same conclusion?

By digging in its heels, the regime poses a serious challenge to Tamil and Muslim political representation in acquiescing or rejecting the current constitutional dispensation. The TNA in particular has to think about what it can and should do when the parliamentary select committee reaches its foregone conclusion. Likewise, Delhi, which has consistently called for a political settlement. The key factor here could be Tamil Nadu and the extent to which Jeyalalithaa’s interest in Sri Lanka and importance to the ruling coalition parallels and outlasts the playing out of the select committee charade in Colombo and the announcement of its foregone conclusion. The satisfaction of Indian economic interests by Colombo is yet another factor which could defuse any pressure regarding a political settlement.

On a political settlement it intends to be unyielding – the placating of sections of international opinion aside; on human rights and war crimes accountability that allegedly reach into the very heart of the regime, it will engage to combat.

The glitzy launch of the Defence Ministry’s film and report “Lies Agreed Upon” is an illustration of the latter. Whilst not explicitly presented as such, the Defence Ministry productions are a response to the Panel Report and Channel Four. The objective, one would have thought, was to lay the allegations to rest to the extent possible, rather than sustain the controversy. Both the Ministry Report and film, however, preach to the converted. The overwhelming objective is to establish how horrendous and horrific the LTTE were. Only a very selective reading of the Panel Report and Channel Four would conclude that they need convincing or disagree on the LTTE. In both cases the LTTE too is accused of war crimes.

Much has been made of the admission that there were civilian casualties – despite the incredible denials of the past. There is no mention of the murder of the 17 ACF workers or of the alleged attacks on hospitals. In the film, allegations are refuted through the five doctors who, maintaining that they were subjected to LTTE intimidation, retracted what they said during the war in a subsequent press conference. Tamilselvan’s widow when interviewed along with George Master and a number of ex-LTTE female cadres paid tribute to the way in which they have been treated by the forces. Whilst Karuna was in the audience, one waited in vain to see KP on screen.

The government seems unable to grasp the challenge and promise of reconciliation and unity, of moving from post-war to post –conflict. Most disturbing, it doesn’t seem to care.

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Comments

-2+0 # Liberal Thinker 2011-08-18 11:42

The multi-religious and multi-caste people of Northern Province should not be exploited by high caste Hindus. The Thesavalamai law imposed by the high caste Tamils restricts open sales of land to maintain the caste system.

The LTTE insurrection of Prabhakaran was aimed at overthrowing this vicious caste system. It is now being re-established.

Prof. S. Ratnajeevan H. Hoole says; The Jaffna Council had 3 Christian appointed members out of 13 to maintain the religous balance. But now, this has been reduced to 1. There is no Christian among the 12 ex-officio members and no Muslim although their population is growing in Jaffna.

Power should never be devolved any further in Sri Lanka to permit the exploitation of people by narrow minded local politicians; based on caste, creed or race.

Reply

-2+0 # Pradeep 2011-08-18 11:43

Simply we majority Sri lankans oppose merger of any provinces be it with north, east or south.

If merger of provices is needed which affects the country’s structure a referendum should be held for the whole of Sri lanka and not just fo north and east. In simple terms north and east is part of one country and can not be viewed as seperate entities for any reasons.

The views echoed by Gotabaya is views of majority Srilankans that includes all religious and ethnic groups. Therefore, view of Gotabaya is not only view of government but also views of majority Sri lankans.

If TNA or anyother party demands more powers it would be more to lead the people for seperatism than administrative purposes. We must realizes that systems that we already have should be fully utilized before we go any further if deemed necessary. We Sri lankans are fully supportive of supporting all ethnic, religous groups to foster, develop and maintain their cultural identities.

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