http://www.thesundayleader.lk/2011/06/19/with-channel-4-accusations-jayalalitha-a-new-caveat-in-indo-lanka-politics/
WITH CHANNEL 4 ACCUSATIONS, JAYALALITHA A NEW CAVEAT IN INDO-LANKA POLITICS

Channel 4 video, “Sri Lanka’s Killing Fields” that went on air at 23.05 GMT on 14 June had the usual geo blocking software removed to give those outside the UK and Ireland a chance to see. A unique decision, they usually don’t take. Jon Snow who anchored the programme said, “…this footage represents devastating evidence on war crimes and crimes against humanity”.

Jayalalitha Jeyaram, Manmohan Singh AND Mahinda Rajapaksa
The decision to allow the whole world to see this programme for 7 days from 14 June, speaks much politics. Politics is justified by Channel 4 in a very definitive statement that said the UN Report on Sri Lanka has accepted there is credible evidence of war crimes and crimes against humanity and called for an independent inquiry. “But so far, that call has been rejected,” said Jon Snow and concluded his opening narrative by saying, the footage shown is a “powerful case for bringing those guilty of these crimes, to justice”
For Channel 4, it was a mammoth task, not only to collect all that footage and compile it into a dossier of their own, but to finally decide on telecasting it. They have had to convince themselves that they are not overstepping media ethics beyond tolerable levels. They even had to have technical proof, that the footage is authentic. UK is not Sri Lanka and Channel 4 is not one privileged to bend rules and regulations, as in Sri Lanka. Once satisfied of all that, ‘Sri Lanka’s Killing Fields’ was aired and was all over in no time.
In Colombo, the war campaigners in the government at first were shocked and then angry, while the JVP was cautious in distancing themselves from the government’s frenzy, while keeping to their war cry. As expected, the government claimed the whole video is a fake and the entire project was funded by the LTTE in the Tamil Diaspora. It meant that from Channel 4 to its documentary producer, Callum Macrae, its anchor Jon Snow and every one else in the production of ‘Sri Lanka’s Killing Fields’ were in the pay of the Tamil Tiger Diaspora.
In Britain, such media behaviour is not allowed. In Britain there is a law in place for such media aberrations to be taken to task and legally punished. The British ‘Broadcasting Standards Commission’ in London, is mandated to accept complaints on 2 aspects of individual and social rights violations; under “Code on Standards” and under “Code on Fairness”.
There is a Sri Lankan High Commission in London that can easily complain under both “Codes”. The External Affairs Ministry, instead of issuing statements with absolutely no impact on Channel 4, could even complain “on line” using the complaint form available on the website: www.bsc.org.uk.
Instead of feeding local sentiments here in the South, why isn’t this government taking Channel 4 head on? Is the government afraid its claims of ‘a fake’ documentary would get exposed, if the government goes for legal action? This society, the Sri Lankan people, have a right to know the truth and it is that right the government is denying by avoiding legal action against Channel 4.
The Tamil Diaspora has gained much from that video. The conscience of the West had been pricked. Britain backed out of deporting Sri Lankan Tamils, after the video was aired.
However, even though Tamil Nadu had raised the same war crimes and crimes against humanity issues that Channel 4 raised, the Indian mainstream media was cunningly ignorant of Channel 4 even after the video was aired at the UN Human Rights Commission sessions, two weeks ago.
In a short essay written to an Indian news website, “TruthDive”, a man with a conscience, Sunderapandyan, titled his essay “UK media exposes, Indian media shies” to write, “… our Media could have easily sneaked into Sri Lanka and exposed these crimes while they were happening… Our media needs to take some deep introspection on what failed us from doing this. Is it fear, prejudice or lack of respect towards humanity?”
It is a very pertinent question that needs to be answered by the Indian media and its democratic voices, now that Jayalalitha has brought the Sri Lankan war crimes issue to the official table of the UPA government. She had a one on one official discussion with PM Singh on 13 June and all of Tamil Nadu (TN) thought the main topic would be the Sri Lankan war crimes issue and the sanctions she proposed against Sri Lanka.
With the Channel 4 video scheduled for airing on 14 June night, in her customary dark maroon saree she was pretty cool that same evening, in her 39 minute exchange with the media, at her “Tamil Nadu Bhawan” in Delhi. In her characteristically staggered but very clear voice, she told the media, “Yes, the meeting with the Prime Minister, was very pleasant.” In Colombo, ears were glued to all grapevine sources to catch what she would say on “war crimes and sanctions” against Sri Lanka.
Her first official visit to New Delhi as Chief Minister (CM), lacked the usual media frenzy for a one time silver screen heart throb turned super controversial politician. Yet she had her share of political wooing with the Congress, the BJP and the CP-I queueing up to meet her. Sheila Dikshit dodged the media saying it was one woman CM meeting another, while Ravi Shankar Prasad, BJP leader said it was just a courtesy call but added, they did talk ‘a little politics’. For D. Rajah the CP-I National Secretary, it was ‘courtesy’ sans politics.
In Delhi, despite her pleasant call on PM Singh for deliberations “on all important issues to (us in) Tamil Nadu”, she was clear and firm telling the media that the UPA government’s Southern heavyweight, Home Minister Chidambaram must resign his seat, because “he is there on an election fraud in 2009 May”. She also wanted the PM to drop DMK supremo’s grand nephew, Textile Minister Dayanidi Maran from the Union cabinet, for his alleged involvement in the 2G Scam.
All, TN issues no doubt.
She was not the soft and playful co-star she was 30 and more years ago, nor the bungling politician she was the previous time, from 2001. It seems she knew she is on a tight rope walk, having let loose a plethora of Tamil sentiments with different and divergent aspirations.
On 13 May, as CM designate of TN after her resounding State assembly victory, she promised the TN people on her own Jaya TV channel, she would as the Chief Minister ask the Indian government to take action against the Sri Lankan president for genocide and war crimes. “India should take the initiative for this,” she said.
Within a month on 8 June, she moved a resolution in the TN State Assembly, requesting the central government to impose economic sanctions on Sri Lanka along with other countries and lobby the UN to move on the UN Secretary General’s Advisory Panel Report in naming those who allegedly committed war crimes and crimes against humanity.
The most striking and important political factor, though not the only important factor in JJ getting the resolution through the TN State Assembly was that, it was ‘unanimous’. For the first time in TN politics, the DMK and its ally the Congress, voted with the AIADMK resolution. TN thus was undivided on the SL Tamil issue.
This resolution thus contradicts the Congress led Manmohan Singh government that only wanted to ‘engage with Sri Lanka’ after the UN Secretary General’s Advisory Panel Report was made public. It also pushes the government’s main flank in TN, the DMK, into conflict with its 7 year old ally in Delhi.
Jayalalitha moved another resolution the next day (June 9) with little media attention, overshadowed by the more explosive resolution on ‘war crimes’ in Sri Lanka. This resolution on Katchchathivu, was also passed ‘unanimously’, with the DMK and the Congress MLAs absent. The resolution seeks “the state revenue department to implead in a case filed by Chief Minister Jayalalitha for retrieval of Katchchathivu island from Sri Lanka”.
Jayalalitha, a product of the prestigious Bishop Cotton Girls’ High School, Bangalore, the most popular co-star in 27 films with late MGR and known in her party AIADMK as “Puratchi Thalaivi” (Revolutionary Leader) is a confirmed anti-LTTEer in TN, much in contrast to her own political guru MGR, who had a very close personal rapport with Prabhakaran himself.
TN State Assembly in 1991 adopted her resolution for extradition of Prabhakaran for killing of Rajiv Gandhi and then in 1992, she initiated the ban against the LTTE. Jayalalitha was no vocal supporter of the LTTE, even when the war was on, in its most aggressive months in 2009.
But now, with the Sri Lankan Tamil issue and the TN fishermen’s issue tied to Katchchathivu, firmly under her, Jayalalitha has all of TN on her platform that saw 18 self-immolations during the past 3 years. What is more important is that, she has also pushed the Sri Lankan Tamil issue beyond the borders of Tamil Nadu. On 2 June, a new collective of artistes, writers, academics and human rights activists from Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala, Tamil Nadu and New Delhi, came together in Bangalore, to adopt a resolution on alleged war crimes as the “Forum Against War Crimes and Genocide in SL” (FAWC&G-SL).
The resolution adopted that, “these types of crimes have to be stopped by demanding the GoSL to be accountable to the people of Sri Lanka and to the global community, for its role in war crimes and crimes against humanity and made to stand for legal trials.”
This new flood of support for the Sri Lankan Tamil people would certainly have its reverberations in Delhi. Yet the issue now is, how far Jayalalitha would keep pushing the Sri Lankan issue with Delhi, given her problems in TN. She is definitely dependent on the Centre for DMK maladministration, heavy waste and fraud. In her 65 page memorandum handed over to PM Singh and also released to the media, she had asked for Central government assistance to bail out the TN electricity authority. She wants 1,000 MW of power from the central grid. Her shopping list totalled 1.8 lakh crore rupees, expected from the Centre.
Jayalalitha is still not Karunanidhi. The Congress led government used Karunanidhi and the DMK to diffuse and suppress Tamil sentiments in TN, for it to proceed with its support for Rajapaksa’s war. The DMK was paid for that support by way of ignoring massive corruption. The DMK was hated in TN for its corruption and for its ruthless rule and as Jayalalitha told the media in New Delhi, “that’s why (your) exit polls forecast went wrong”.
Careful in negotiating with the new and popular CM, present Advisor to the PM on External Affairs and former Secretary to the Ministry of External Affairs from 2006 till the end of the Sri Lankan war, Shiv Shankar Menon was sent in advance to meet with Jayalalitha before his visit to Colombo. What transpired at this meeting was not officially acknowledged. At the media briefing, the CM said it was about rehabilitation in North-East Sri Lanka.
Perhaps the meeting made her act cautious on Sri Lankan issues. She detailed what she told the PM on Katchchathivu and fishermen, but not about war crimes in Sri Lanka and the Tuticorin ferry.
Regarding TN MLAs’ visit to war affected areas in Sri Lanka, she said the PM promised to look into it. Delhi media also kept mum about war crimes and sanctions.
Yet, what’s decisive is, how much Jayalalitha can compromise on her promises to the TN polity, with Tamil political forces now on the loose. Right now, she has a stupefying following in TN. From where Delhi stands, the Centre would also work towards buying time from her, in order to sit comfortably amongst the international community.
Delhi cannot afford to allow Sri Lanka to grow into an ‘elephantitis’ limb in Delhi’s new phase of seeking international recognition and power. India cannot sit with a tight face on ‘rights’ violations and play China to compete for a seat in the UN Security Council. It is backed by countries that at least sound loud in wanting others to be democratic, transparent and accountable in governance
Thus Delhi has to step harder on its accelerator to push the Rajapaksa regime, for quick delivery. Full implementation of the 13th Amendment with demilitarization of the Vanni, along with speedy rehabilitation is what Delhi wants, and fast.
The Rajapaksa regime certainly is groping for answers. Two years after the war, the Sinhala campaign seems fatigued with too many complications on its plate. Apart from war crimes accusations are getting louder by the day; the new trade union mobilisation that totally ignored Sinhala patriotism has led to new conflicts in the Treasury. The FUTA demands, pre-admission undergrad training plus the drug lords and power blocs within the regime getting exposed with their own conflicts are all heavy, complicated burdens. The social base for rabid Sinhala sentiment they worked on, is also receding into illogical debates with Gods and arsenic poisoning, and a feeble effort to colour it as a “imperialist conspiracy”.
The Rajapaksas, their public image torn by workers, now live on an IMF diet that demands transparency and accountability. A tough task for a regime as corrupt as the DMK family in TN. For this regime, Sinhala supremacy now, is more a military factor than a social motivator. That again is more a family issue now.
With that, can the family cabal that stood together for half a decade go for a new political deal with Delhi, under pressure from a new TN Star? A serious issue for a family that has much more to lose, than the two thirds in parliament.
http://www.openthemagazine.com/article/living/clarion-call
Clarion Call
Jayalalithaa’s offensive threatens the Centre’s cosy neighbourliness with Rajapaksa’s Sri Lanka
1

POPULARITY PLAY Nationalist Tamil groups, who love to demonise Rajapaksa, were mostly pro-DMK till recently. If they switch over en masse, it will be a welcome addition to Jayalalithaa’s votebank
Tamil Nadu Chief Minister and AIADMK supremo J Jayalalithaa’s tough stand against Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa, which large sections of the media have failed to take note of, is likely to have far-reaching political and diplomatic consequences in the Subcontinent. India helped Rajapaksa win his war with the LTTE, which was fighting for a separate Tamil nation, but now Jayalalithaa wants him to be tried for war crimes.
Jayalalithaa, who began her third term as Chief Minister last month, after her party’s landslide victory in the Assembly polls, fired her first salvo against Rajapaksa on 13 May, when the election results were announced. “The President of Sri Lanka must be tried for war crimes and brought before the International Court of Law,” she declared.
Jayalalithaa did not stop with those remarks, but went on to urge New Delhi to impose economic sanctions against Sri Lanka if the latter failed to give equal rights to Tamils. It was a wake-up call to the Congress-led UPA government that the new regime in Chennai will no longer toe the Centre’s line on Sri Lanka.
Apart from token protests, the DMK regime never put any real pressure on the Centre to review its pro-Rajapaksa policy. But Jayalalithaa appears determined to see a change in the Indian Government’s policy towards Sri Lanka.
Her actions prove it. She is not merely talking, but also acting. Last week, she got a unanimous resolution passed in the Assembly urging the centre to impose sanctions against Sri Lanka till all Tamils displaced during the war and now staying in camps return to their homes. The resolution also called upon the Indian Government to press the United Nations to declare those accused of war crimes against Tamils war criminals.
While the Indian Government fails to acknowledge that Sri Lankan Tamils do not enjoy equal rights with the country’s Sinhalese, the Tamil Nadu Assembly’s resolution did not mince words in stating the facts. The resolution pointed out that Tamils in Sri Lanka are treated as second-class citizens and their demands for equal rights are yet to be met.
Contrary to the Indian Government’s silence on the recent UN panel report that indicted the Sri Lankan government for alleged war crimes, the Tamil Nadu Assembly’s resolution took note of its observations. “The Sri Lankan military rained shells on ‘no fire’ zones and bombed hospitals; the government blocked humanitarian aid from reaching the people there, and a large number of Tamils died due to shortage of food and water,” said Jayalalithaa.
Next day, the Assembly adopted a resolution on Katchatheevu, impleading the revenue department in a case filed by Jayalalithaa in the Supreme Court in 2008 to retrieve Katchatheevu Island ceded to Sri Lanka. Retrieval of Katchatheevu is Jayalalithaa’s pet cause. The island was ceded to Sri Lanka in 1974 when her arch rival and DMK chief, M Karunanidhi, was Chief Minister.
Jayalalithaa has maintained that the ceding was unconstitutional since it was not ratified by Parliament. The island was handed to Sri Lanka through an agreement signed between the two countries.
The Katchatheevu resolution passed unanimously by the Tamil Nadu Assembly cited a Supreme Court order of 1960, which stated that Parliament has to ratify the ceding of any Indian territory to another country. Whenever Jayalalithaa speaks on the Katchatheevu issue, she accuses Karunanidhi of having done nothing to stop the ceding of the island, which was then part of Tamil Nadu.
Though Katchatheevu is a tiny island in the Palk Bay, it has strategic military value. If India gets back Katchatheevu, it will extend the country’s maritime boundary by many miles, thus increasing the fishing grounds for Indian fishermen, who are regularly shot at by the Sri Lankan navy whenever they fish near the disputed island.
The two back-to-back resolutions rattled New Delhi, which quickly got into damage-control mode. National Security Advisor (NSA) Shivshankar Menon took a special aircraft to Chennai and met Jayalalithaa to take stock of the situation. The meeting took place on the eve of the NSA’s scheduled visit to Colombo, along with Foreign Secretary Nirupama Rao and Defence Secretary Pradeep Kumar.
Jayalalithaa took up with Menon the Lankan navy’s attacks on Indian fishermen and the issue of rehabilitation of Tamils in Sri Lanka. She reiterated her demand that Tamils be accorded equal rights with the country’s Sinhalese.
Colombo has reacted cautiously to developments in Tamil Nadu. Sri Lanka’s Cabinet Spokesperson and Media Minister Keheliya Rambukwella has taken the stand that Sri Lanka deals with the Indian Government and not individual states. Colombo’s efforts to cultivate Jayalalithaa have failed. Recently, Milinda Moragoda, a senior advisor to Rajapaksa, met former Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister and Telugu Desam leader Chandrababu Naidu in Hyderabad to request his help in arranging a meeting with Jayalalithaa. Even while Naidu gave his assurance to cooperate, events in Tamil Nadu picked up pace.
Jayalalithaa’s stand on Sri Lanka has won her new friends. Sri Lankan diaspora Tamils, who once looked upon Karunanidhi as their supporter, are now rallying behind Jayalalithaa. Tamil nationalist groups in the state have also thrown in their lot with her.
Firebrand Naam Thamilar leader Seeman even plans to hold a public meeting to thank her for passing the resolution seeking economic sanctions against Sri Lanka. “It is a historic resolution, which will go a long way in helping the cause of Sri Lankan Tamils. Based on this resolution, we now plan to mobilise the support of other Indian leaders for the Tamil cause,” he says.
For Jayalalithaa, the support from Tamil groups is a welcome addition to her votebank. Not too long ago, she was seen as anti-Tamil. Her hard stance against the now-vanquished LTTE and its supporters in Tamil Nadu made her despicable to fringe Tamil nationalist groups that were mostly pro-DMK till recently.
During her last term (2001–2006), Jayalalithaa had detained Thamizhar Thesiya Iyakkam leader Pazha Nedumaran and MDMK chief Vaiko on charges of supporting the LTTE.
However, Jayalalithaa has made a clear distinction between her earlier anti-LTTE stance and her present pro-Eelam Tamils stance. She still proudly claims that she was responsible for the Centre’s ban on the LTTE in 1992 and recalls the resolution passed in the Assembly in her last term seeking the extradition of LTTE leader Velupillai Prabakaran.
The first hint of her change of mind came during the run-up to the Lok Sabha polls in 2009 when she declared that the formation of Eelam—a separate nation for Tamils carved out of Sri Lanka—was the only solution to the ethnic crisis in Sri Lanka. As Professor Ramu Manivannan, department of politics and public administration, University of Madras, says, “At that time, she may not have been fully convinced about her stand. Now, she has done her homework. The UN report must also have helped her. The good thing about Jayalalithaa is that when she takes up something, she goes the whole hog.”
But there is speculation about Jayalalithaa’s agenda in taking up the Eelam cause. Different views are being aired. “Why don’t you believe she has taken up the cause on a purely humanitarian basis? Why attribute motives to it?”asks Agni Subramaniam, a Chennai-based human rights activist and strong supporter of Eelam Tamils.
“More than political expediency, it may be a strategy of containment,” says Professor Manivannan, who feels that Jayalalithaa may want to pre-empt the growth of Tamil parties like Seeman’s in Tamil Nadu.
Many also believe that Jayalalithaa may have taken the pro-Eelam stand to strike at the root of the DMK’s support base. As Seeman says, “We were brought up to believe that the DMK was the true representative of Tamils. That belief was belied when the DMK failed to take any steps to stop the war in Sri Lanka, a war that claimed thousands of innocent Tamil lives. If Jayalalithaa is willing to support Tamils, why shouldn’t we support her?”